Each of the attention was on the very first deterrence patrol from INS Arihant, India’s nuclear powered ballistic missile submarine, but Prime Minister Narendra Modi also made an intriguing assertion that India’s nuclear weapons are a pillar of international peace and stability.
This is important since it suggests that India, a reluctant nuclear energy, was initially made to weaponise its nuclear capacity due to the security dangers it faced by its nuclear-powered acquaintances; and today sees its atomic weapons as a significant element in global strategic equilibrium.
Modi tweeted, “India’s nuclear triad is going to be a significant pillar of international peace and stability”
“Our nuclear programme has to be viewed with respect to India’s attempts to additional world peace and stability.”
India developed nuclear weapons to discourage the use of these weapons. The draft nuclear doctrine introduced by the National Security Advisory Board in 1999 said the aim of India’s atomic weapons:”In the absence of international nuclear disarmament, India’s strategic interests require powerful, credible nuclear deterrence and adequate retaliatory capability should deterrence fail.”
Drawing from India’s long-held stand on international disarmament, the draft states:”Global, verifiable and non-discriminatory nuclear disarmament is a national security goal. India will continue its efforts to accomplish the objective of a nuclear weapon-free universe from an early date.”
Even though the final text of this atomic doctrine hasn’t yet been made public, the draft gives a broad framework on how India sees its own atomic weapons.
Seen in this light, Modi’s announcement is really a departure from India’s decades-old perspectives on atomic weapons. It reflects the Indian security establishment’s perspectives on the fact of atomic weapons and the evasive worldwide disarmament, which India championed for years.
It made sense for India to winner disarmament while it required some time to assess its alternatives to weaponise and also conceal it. For many practical purposes, India has given up on the notion of nuclear disarmament.
Since its atomic tests in 1998, India has de facto recognition as a nuclear weapons state away from the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and has worked its way to significant export control regimes and non-proliferation teams such as the Missile Technology Control Regime, Wassenaar Arrangement and Australia Group. Its entrance into the Nuclear Suppliers Group was obstructed with its northern rival–China.
In 2016, India abstained at the UN General Assembly First Committee resolution to establish negotiations on a treaty outlawing nuclear weapons stating it isn’t convinced that the move may cause a thorough tool on nuclear disarmament and boycotted the discussions afterwards along with other nuclear weapons states. The Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons was adopted in July before previous year. India didn’t sign this, nor did the other nuclear weapons states.
There’s global strategic doubt amidst revived great power rivalry. The US has singled out China and Russia as revisionists forces and solved to keep American primacy. The US has been modernising its atomic arsenal at a $1 trillion programme during the next 30 decades.
President Putin of Russia has introduced new atomic missiles, which he explained were invincible and the West shouldn’t believe it a bluff. China also has been modernising its army. While its traditional forces are clearly building up, it’s secretive about its own nuclear forces, though it claims to possess the smallest arsenal among the P5. China has assembled an arsenal of thousands of missiles that could deliver nuclear weapons and proceeds to build increasingly stronger ones. President Xi Jinping has set a target to be the most effective nation by 2050.
After withdrawing from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty in 2002, a movement India affirmed, the US may pull out of the Intermediate Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty with Russia, accusing Russia of separating it and stating that China had to become a part of such a treaty.
There’s increasing threat of nuclear weapons proliferation. China continues to give assistance to Pakistan’s atomic programme. Despite discussions between the united states and North Korea, the latter isn’t likely to give up its atomic weapons. The US withdrawal in the Iran nuclear deal increases the potential for a sanctioned Iran restarting its nuclear weapons programme.
The tactical instability throughout the planet, and particularly in the Indo-Pacific area, may contribute more countries to seriously consider obtaining nuclear weapons.
The Indian security establishment sees it as a chance to play a bigger part in regional and international security as its military and economic power climbs. It’s in India’s security and economic interests to do this instead of it being merely aspirational.
In 2013, then Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh said, “We also have sought to assume our responsibility to get equilibrium in the Indian Ocean Region. We’re well positioned, so, to develop into a net provider of safety in our immediate area and beyond.”
Narendra Modi’s assertion of India’s atomic weapons for international peace and stability is in that respect a continuation of India steadily focusing on higher safety responsibility in the area and outside. It is in India’s security interests that more nations do not acquire atomic weapons. Stability in the area will decrease chances of proliferation. It will take a while for India’s nuclear triad to become really potent and become a supply of the equilibrium, as it plans. INS Arihant is your very first steps towards that.